"The word 'revolution' to us Frenchmen is not a vague term. We know that Revolution is a rupture, that Revolution is an Absolute. There is no such thing as a moderate revolution, there is no such thing as a planned revolution—as one speaks of a planned economy. The revolution we are announcing will overturn the entire existing order or it will not take place at all. If we believe that the present system is capable of being reformed, that it can, in itself, check the fatal course of its evolution towards Dictatorship—the dictatorship of money, of race, of class, of the Nation—we will certainly refuse to run the risk of an explosion capable of destroying precious things that can only be rebuilt with much time, perseverance, selflessness, and love. But the present system will not change the course of its evolution for the good reason that it is no longer evolving; it is merely reorganizing itself with the view of lasting a little longer, of surviving. Far from professing to resolve its own contradictions, which are, in any case, impossible to resolve, it seems more and more inclined to impose them by force through strict regulation of individual effort that grows more rigid and more particular every day, carried out in the name of a sort of State Socialism, which is the democratic form of Dictatorship. Every day, in fact, brings us another proof that the purely ideological era has long since passed, in New York as well as in Moscow and London. We can see the Imperial English Democracy, the Plutocratic American Democracy and the Marxist Empire of Soviet Dominions walking, if not hand in hand—far from it!—at least pursuing the same goal, that is to say maintaining at all costs and even while appearing to oppose it, the system in which they have acquired wealth and power. For, in the end, Russia has profited no less from the capitalist system than America and England; it has played the role of the Member of Parliament who makes a fortune in Opposition. In short: regimes formerly opposed in ideology are now directly united by Technology. A world dominated by Technology is lost for Liberty."

"The word 'revolution' to us Frenchmen is not a vague term. We know that Revolution is a rupture, that Revolution is an Absolute. There is no such thing as a moderate revolution, there is no such thing as a planned revolution—as one speaks of a planned economy. The revolution we are announcing will overturn the entire existing order or it will not take place at all. If we believe that the present system is capable of being reformed, that it can, in itself, check the fatal course of its evolution towards Dictatorship—the dictatorship of money, of race, of class, of the Nation—we will certainly refuse to run the risk of an explosion capable of destroying precious things that can only be rebuilt with much time, perseverance, selflessness, and love. But the present system will not change the course of its evolution for the good reason that it is no longer evolving; it is merely reorganizing itself with the view of lasting a little longer, of surviving. Far from professing to resolve its own contradictions, which are, in any case, impossible to resolve, it seems more and more inclined to impose them by force through strict regulation of individual effort that grows more rigid and more particular every day, carried out in the name of a sort of State Socialism, which is the democratic form of Dictatorship. Every day, in fact, brings us another proof that the purely ideological era has long since passed, in New York as well as in Moscow and London. We can see the Imperial English Democracy, the Plutocratic American Democracy and the Marxist Empire of Soviet Dominions walking, if not hand in hand—far from it!—at least pursuing the same goal, that is to say maintaining at all costs and even while appearing to oppose it, the system in which they have acquired wealth and power. For, in the end, Russia has profited no less from the capitalist system than America and England; it has played the role of the Member of Parliament who makes a fortune in Opposition. In short: regimes formerly opposed in ideology are now directly united by Technology. A world dominated by Technology is lost for Liberty."

盖瑞（塔哈·拉希姆 Tahar Rahim 饰）年轻有为，身为一名核电站工作人员，他必须奋战在核辐射最为强烈的第一线，而和他一起工作的，都是一些毫无情趣的大老爷们儿。一次偶然中，盖瑞遇见了名为卡罗尔（蕾雅·赛杜 Léa Seydoux 饰）的女子，卡罗尔的魅力和温柔为盖瑞枯燥坚硬的生活带来了一丝清新的气息。 　　没过多久，盖瑞和卡罗尔便坠入了爱河，两人借由激情四射的交欢来遗忘世间的荒芜，然而，唯一的问题是，卡罗尔已经名花有主，那个人恰恰就是盖瑞的同事托尼（丹尼斯·门诺切特 Denis Menochet 饰）。随着时间的推移，盖瑞和卡罗尔的情事渐渐无法再隐藏下去，与此同时，盖瑞发现自己的身体健康亦出现了问题。

盖瑞（塔哈·拉希姆 Tahar Rahim 饰）年轻有为，身为一名核电站工作人员，他必须奋战在核辐射最为强烈的第一线，而和他一起工作的，都是一些毫无情趣的大老爷们儿。一次偶然中，盖瑞遇见了名为卡罗尔（蕾雅·赛杜 Léa Seydoux 饰）的女子，卡罗尔的魅力和温柔为盖瑞枯燥坚硬的生活带来了一丝清新的气息。 　　没过多久，盖瑞和卡罗尔便坠入了爱河，两人借由激情四射的交欢来遗忘世间的荒芜，然而，唯一的问题是，卡罗尔已经名花有主，那个人恰恰就是盖瑞的同事托尼（丹尼斯·门诺切特 Denis Menochet 饰）。随着时间的推移，盖瑞和卡罗尔的情事渐渐无法再隐藏下去，与此同时，盖瑞发现自己的身体健康亦出现了问题。

史蒂文·斯皮尔伯格（Steven Spielberg）的安培林娱乐（Amblin Entertainment）将与《侏罗纪世界》导演科林·特雷沃罗（Colin Trevorrow）再度合作一部家庭动作冒险片，该片名为《发电站》（Powerhouse）。《发电站》是科林·特雷沃罗原创的故事，剧情尚未公布。独立电影人艾米丽·卡迈克尔（Emily Carmichael）将担任该片的编剧和导演。她此前仅拍摄过一些网剧和短片，但才华出众，就连漫威也有意邀请她执导某部电影。

斯皮尔伯格（Steven Spielberg）的安柏林娱乐（Amblin Entertainment）将和《侏罗纪世界》导演科林·特沃罗（Colin Trevorrow）再次合作一部家庭动作冒险片，而该片的名字叫做《发电站》（Powerhouse）。 《发电站》是科林·特沃罗原创的一个故事，剧情尚未披露。独立电影人Emily Carmichael将担任该片的编剧和导演，她此前仅拍过一些网剧和短片，不过才华横溢，就连漫威也打算邀请她执导某部电影。

斯皮尔伯格（Steven Spielberg）的安柏林娱乐（Amblin Entertainment）将和《侏罗纪世界》导演科林·特沃罗（Colin Trevorrow）再次合作一部家庭动作冒险片，而该片的名字叫做《发电站》（Powerhouse）。 　　《发电站》是科林·特沃罗原创的一个故事，剧情尚未披露。独立电影人Emily Carmichael将担任该片的编剧和导演，她此前仅拍过一些网剧和短片，不过才华横溢，就连漫威也打算邀请她执导某部电影。

斯皮尔伯格（Steven Spielberg）的安柏林娱乐（Amblin Entertainment）将和《侏罗纪世界》导演科林·特沃罗（Colin Trevorrow）再次合作一部家庭动作冒险片，而该片的名字叫做《发电站》（Powerhouse）。 　　《发电站》是科林·特沃罗原创的一个故事，剧情尚未披露。独立电影人Emily Carmichael将担任该片的编剧和导演，她此前仅拍过一些网剧和短片，不过才华横溢，就连漫威也打算邀请她执导某部电影。

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